European Union Referendum

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How do you see yourself voting?


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Cheese & Biscuits

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So Nige is talking about a second referendum if it's a close "stay". Please God no. Whatever the outcome, let's hope we try to make it work rather than look to change the decision.
 
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Alty

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So Nige is talking about a second referendum if it's a close "stay". Please God no. Whatever the outcome, let's hope we try to make it work rather than look to change the decision.
Agreed. Once in a generation thing, this. Even if it has been somewhat dirtily fought.

That said, there should be referenda on all future treaty changes.
 

TheMinsterman

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So Nige is talking about a second referendum if it's a close "stay". Please God no. Whatever the outcome, let's hope we try to make it work rather than look to change the decision.

So what if he wins narrowly? I assume he'll be pushing for a second because it's "not fair" to the stayers?

Nigel?

Nigel...?
 

Cheese & Biscuits

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Being fair to him, I think a narrow stay is different to a narrow remain. Staying is keeping the status quo so nothing has changed so having another referendum is more of the same. If we voted to leave, went through all the hassle of decoupling and then voted back in again a little while later, it'd be a nightmare.

I do however think it's a valid point to raise.
 

Cheese & Biscuits

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Even if it has been somewhat dirtily fought.
In what way?

I'm getting really annoyed with the leave camp rubbishing any comment from independent bodies saying it's better to stay. I don't mind them disagreeing, it's an opinion after all, but mud-slinging isn't good.
 
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Tilbury

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It will be interesting to see what will happen to UKIP should we get a very close result in favour on remain. I can see more Tory (and possibly Labour?) deflects and much more electoral success on a national scale in the near future.
Pretty much the same as the SNP in Scotland.
 

silkyman

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In what way?

I'm getting really annoyed with the leave camp rubbishing any comment from independent bodies saying it's better to stay. I don't mind them disagreeing, it's an opinion after all, but mud-slinging isn't good.

To be honest, it's driving me even further into voting to stay because the leave lot don't seem to have a valid argument.
 
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Alty

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In what way?

I'm getting really annoyed with the leave camp rubbishing any comment from independent bodies saying it's better to stay. I don't mind them disagreeing, it's an opinion after all, but mud-slinging isn't good.
Trying to curtail the purdah period. Sending out a leaflet with HM Government insignia all over it and pretending it was an informative piece of factual literature, when in truth it was a campaign booklet full of unsubstantiated claims. Osborne presenting figures in a genuinely absurd way in order to imply everyone would be £4,000 per annum worse off post-Brexit. Really poor stuff all round.

It's hardly a surprise, is it? The leaders of Remain are the same people who tried to link Sadiq Khan to ISIS. A blatantly untrue and unpleasant insinuation. It's their modus operandi.
 

Aber gas

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It will be interesting to see what will happen to UKIP should we get a very close result in favour on remain. I can see more Tory (and possibly Labour?) deflects and much more electoral success on a national scale in the near future.
Pretty much the same as the SNP in Scotland.
I think it depends on which way they want to go. If they continue to be focussed on leaving the EU then their appeal and relevance would be limited. However if they decide to broaden their approach further it's possible they could find a niche on the far right. Perhaps as a British version of front nationale, Jobbik or Golden Dawn. A lot depends on their ability to unite the myriad political entities which would naturally sympathise with a true far-right, nationalist party.
 
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Alty

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I think it depends on which way they want to go. If they continue to be focussed on leaving the EU then their appeal and relevance would be limited. However if they decide to broaden their approach further it's possible they could find a niche on the far right. Perhaps as a British version of front nationale, Jobbik or Golden Dawn. A lot depends on their ability to unite the myriad political entities which would naturally sympathise with a true far-right, nationalist party.
You have a truly bizarre impression of the far right's strength and potential in this country, I have to say.
 
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Dr Mantis Toboggan

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even if we do vote to stay there will be a significant number who don't. ukip would be stupid to push for another referendum, but they could prevent marginalisation by presenting themselves as the only 'british' party, keeping up their image as the only group fighting against the eu. just more managing the symptoms rather than the root cause of the issues
 

Pyeman

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I don't know what everyone else thinks, but I've been really underwhelmed by the remain campaign.

Cameron kicked off the campaign by stating he would rely on facts and not project fear. All we've had since then is speculation and fear mongering.

If remain wins this referendum it will be in spite of, not because of the key campaign figures.
 

Max

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I don't know what everyone else thinks, but I've been really underwhelmed by the remain campaign.

Cameron kicked off the campaign by stating he would rely on facts and not project fear. All we've had since then is speculation and fear mongering.

If remain wins this referendum it will be in spite of, not because of the key campaign figures.
I would agree, but I think it's difficult for Remain, because the Leave lot have quite a good narrative. They've got good rhetoric, arguments they've been rehearsing for 40 years about sovereignty and immigration and GREAT BRITAIN etc.

Remain can't just come out with 'Nah, honestly, we should stay' because they're afraid Leave will command all the momentum. They don't want Leave to appear energised, charismatic and on the side of normal people, so David Cameron and other prominent Remain people have decided to up the ante. The danger is of course that they look like hyperbolic morons. It's a gamble that, on reflection, has probably done more harm than good for Remainers.
 
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Captain Scumbag

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In fairness, it's hard to be on the Remain side without coming across as joyless, pessimistic, unpatriotic, self-loathing, etc. I learnt that during the Scottish referendum. It's easy to be positive when you're arguing for change. Arguing for the status quo is an inherently conservative position. It's hard to do without 'scaremongering' and it's virtually impossible to do without being negative.

More than counterbalancing that, however, is the fact that most people have a profound and deep-rooted emotional bias against change. Most people are risk averse by nature. And while appealing to that isn't the most inspiring way to win a political contest, it's often the most effective. It's how Remain won the Scottish referendum. It's probably how the Tories won their majority in 2015.

P.S. Responses to previous posts should follow at the weekend.
 
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SUTSS

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There's been 'fear-mongering' a plenty on both sides. Saying their could be violence on the streets, that we're going to be flooded by Turks or that we're going to get dragged into a federalised Europe run solely by and for Germany are all fear-mongering.

That's also not to say that some of the fear-mongering isn't actually valid. Just because it's a negative future outcome doesn't mean it's not true.

The Leave Campaign are riddled with chucking this accusation around rather than arguing against what has been said. They also seem to have developed a strange obsession about who can and can't voice an opinion on this (largely they seem to disagree with people they disagree with talking). The prime example of this is Obama. Obsessing about whether he should've been able to say what he did rather than arguing about what he did say, it's too late at that stage. It's also insincere because would any of them have been saying he doesn't have the right if he had said he wanted Britain to leave?

Overall the big hitters on the leave campaign have been very lacking in substance. From Boris waffling on about bananas and balloons, Farage talking his usual nonsense and everything in between. The only person who has actually said something of substance that make you sit down and think so far from Leave is Gove but his biggest problem is his toxicity (which is a shame also because he's done quite a lot of good work undoing Grayling's time as Lord Chancellor (ignoring this British Bill of Rights nonsense)).
 

AFCB_Mark

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The remain campaign was supposed to be pretty fundamentally based on Cameron's renegotiation deal, that was the central pillar of the argument because it's supposed to demonstrate how change can come about by working within. Getting a better deal for Britain, etc.

When was the last time you heard anyone mention anything about Cameron's deal? Does that seem a little odd to anyone else, or is it just me?
 

mowgli

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The remain campaign was supposed to be pretty fundamentally based on Cameron's renegotiation deal, that was the central pillar of the argument because it's supposed to demonstrate how change can come about by working within. Getting a better deal for Britain, etc.

When was the last time you heard anyone mention anything about Cameron's deal? Does that seem a little odd to anyone else, or is it just me?
What deal was that? He got fuck all as the Germans stopped him getting anything that would benefit us.
 

mnb089mnb

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What deal was that? He got fuck all as the Germans stopped him getting anything that would benefit us.

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Tilbury

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The remain campaign was supposed to be pretty fundamentally based on Cameron's renegotiation deal, that was the central pillar of the argument because it's supposed to demonstrate how change can come about by working within. Getting a better deal for Britain, etc.

When was the last time you heard anyone mention anything about Cameron's deal? Does that seem a little odd to anyone else, or is it just me?
I don't think it was. Cameron said he would base his decision on what concessions he could get (which was of course complete bollocks he was always supporting remain), but as a campaign remains main argument was always going to be maintaining what we have rather than anything we could get.
 

Pyeman

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I fully accept that arguing for continuity in many ways is more difficult than arguing for a change.

I suppose the point I was getting at is that from some of the big remainers, especially DC, all I've heard is how bad leaving would be. Obviously there's a place for that, but I'd like to know how beneficial staying would be.
 
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Captain Scumbag

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Isn't the potential danger to the economy enough?
It depends what question you're asking there. Is it enough to win? Yes, I think so. Remain will win and a vague sense of foreboding about the economy will be a decisive factor. For me? Well, I obviously look at it differently. I think there is a great deal of uncertainty and potential risk if we stay in, and I believe more important matters are at stake than short-to-medium-term economy stability anyway.
In general people couldn't care less about "democratic defecits", we've got an unelected head of state we celebrate, an unelected second chamber and we're no closer to proportional representation.
You're probably right that most people don't care about democracy, though that seems more an indictment of the electorate than a comment about what really matters vis-à-vis our relationship with the EU. And your point about Lizzy is just fatuous. While our unelected head of state does have political powers, they are, for all intents and purposes, merely ceremonial. Moreover, her popularity owes a great deal to people trusting her to be hands off and politically neutral, a national figurehead who rises above the silly factionalism of party politics.

I'd abolish the HoL tomorrow, but in effect the worst it can do is temporarily delay good laws passed by the HoC. The trade off is that we have a second chamber that can cause the government to rethink bad laws. In addition, the Salisbury Convention is an important (and largely effective) check on the Lords' power, not to mention one that gives primacy to the idea of government by democratic consent. From a democratic standpoint, the relationship between, say, the European Commission and the European Parliament is much more worrying.

PR would be lovely (AMS for me, please), but one reason why we're no closer is that we keep voting against it. We've never elected a government who stood for election promising it, and we comprehensively decided against taking a step closer when we had a plebiscite on the matter in 2011. I suppose much the same could be said of EU membership if/when Remain win the referendum. If so, fine. I, for one, will belt up about it. Ultimately we get the democracy we deserve.
This EU referendum has been called in order to sort out a schism in the Conservative party.
Nah, that’s bollocks. I doubt even Mr Cameron's Old Etonian arrogance extends to thinking he can "sort out" the Tory schism over the EU by having a referendum on membership. All that does is give two bitterly opposed intra-party factions a much coveted prize to fight over. What does that achieve from a party unity PoV?

In truth, there will likely be a Tory split on the EU for as long as there is a Tory Party and an EU. I suspect Mr Cameron knows that. Why did he promise a referendum? The Tory Party's principal aim in politics is to win and maintain office. He judged – correctly, I think – that had to make that promise to secure large chunks of the conservative vote.

I suppose your basic point, that we're having the referendum for bad reasons, remains largely unscathed. Fine. Frankly, I don't think the party-political reasons for it coming about matter. It was needed and long overdue.
 
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Max

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In fairness, it's hard to be on the Remain side without coming across as joyless, pessimistic, unpatriotic, self-loathing, etc. I learnt that during the Scottish referendum. It's easy to be positive when you're arguing for change. Arguing for the status quo is an inherently conservative position. It's hard to do without 'scaremongering' and it's virtually impossible to do without being negative.

More than counterbalancing that, however, is the fact that most people have a profound and deep-rooted emotional bias against change. Most people are risk averse by nature. And while appealing to that isn't the most inspiring way to win a political contest, it's often the most effective. It's how Remain won the Scottish referendum. It's probably how the Tories won their majority in 2015.

P.S. Responses to previous posts should follow at the weekend.
I do understand what you mean, but I think both sides make use of this idea of fear of change. A lot of Brexit messaging is about returning power to Britain, going back to when Britain was 'great/Great' etc.and maintaining the status quo of not having loads of Turks living here.

Although that Turkey argument makes me quite annoyed, as anyone with any insight has repeatedly stated that there is absolutely zero chance of Turkey joining the EU any time in the remotely near future, if it all.

It depends what question you're asking there. Is it enough to win? Yes, I think so. Remain will win and a vague sense of foreboding about the economy will be a decisive factor. For me? Well, I obviously look at it differently. I think there is a great deal of uncertainty and potential risk if we stay in, and I believe more important matters are at stake than short-to-medium-term economy stability anyway.

You're probably right that most people don't care about democracy, though that seems more an indictment of the electorate than a comment about what really matters vis-à-vis our relationship with the EU. And your point about Lizzy is just fatuous. While our unelected head of state does have political powers, they are, for all intents and purposes, merely ceremonial. Moreover, her popularity owes a great deal to people trusting her to be hands off and politically neutral, a national figurehead who rises above the silly factionalism of party politics.

I'd abolish the HoL tomorrow, but in effect the worst it can do is temporarily delay good laws passed by the HoC. The trade off is that we have a second chamber that can cause the government to rethink bad laws. In addition, the Salisbury Convention is an important (and largely effective) check on the Lords' power, not to mention one that gives primacy to the idea of government by democratic consent. From a democratic standpoint, the relationship between, say, the European Commission and the European Parliament is much more worrying.

PR would be lovely (AMS for me, please), but one reason why we're no closer is that we keep voting against it. We've never elected a government who stood for election promising it, and we comprehensively decided against taking a step closer when we had a plebiscite on the matter in 2011. I suppose much the same could be said of EU membership if/when Remain win the referendum. If so, fine. I, for one, will belt up about it. Ultimately we get the democracy we deserve.

Nah, that’s bollocks. I doubt even Mr Cameron's Old Etonian arrogance extends to thinking he can "sort out" the Tory schism over the EU by having a referendum on membership. All that does is give two bitterly opposed intra-party factions a much coveted prize to fight over. What does that achieve from a party unity PoV?

In truth, there will likely be a Tory split on the EU for as long as there is a Tory Party and an EU. I suspect Mr Cameron knows that. Why did he promise a referendum? The Tory Party's principal aim in politics is to win and maintain office. He judged – correctly, I think – that had to make that promise to secure large chunks of the conservative vote.

I suppose your basic point, that we're having the referendum for bad reasons, remains largely unscathed. Fine. Frankly, I don't think the party-political reasons for it coming about matter. It was needed and long overdue.

1. On the economy, have you seen Brexit The Movie? There is a point where the journalist Simon Heffer states that if in five years, leaving the EU had been so disastrous as to force him to boil grass to feed his family, he would still vote to leave. Because sovereignty is that important and it's that important we retain it, at any cost. I am not intending to say his view is common or typical, but there is a balance to be struck between economic security and national sovereignty, and I think the Brexit advocates have their balance wrong.

2. I don't know if it's fair to suggest the House of Lords always causes the government to re-think bad laws. On tax credits, didn't George Osborne just mutter some darkly threatening things about curbing their power in future? The unelected thing is crucial for me, because it makes it both undemocratic and also without mandate, which is a pretty amazing tag-team of shitness.

3. I would suggest a middle ground between you and mnb. I think the referendum was caused to sort out not the schism in the party, but the potential threat from UKIP, which could legitimately have got to the 30% or so level in the polls without some pretty drastic action.
 
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Captain Scumbag

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I do understand what you mean, but I think both sides make use of this idea of fear of change.
I suspect fear-based arguments are an unavoidable part of political debate. I wrote about this much earlier in the thread if you interested (or feeling particularly masochistic). What's needed generally is sharper critical thinking, particularly with regard to distinguishing rational fears from irrational ones. But I digresss...
Although that Turkey argument makes me quite annoyed, as anyone with any insight has repeatedly stated that there is absolutely zero chance of Turkey joining the EU any time in the remotely near future, if it all.
I don't want to delve too deeply into the Turkey argument (since I don't much like it either), but I think there's maybe a useful point to make about time scales here. What is meant by "the remotely near future", exactly? Next year? The next five years? The next few decades?

When the UK voted to remain in 1975, it voted to remain in a club of 9. The other 8 countries – France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, Ireland and Denmark – were all stable and reasonably prosperous. There were fewer concerns about freedom of movement, not least because it's reasonable to expect roughly equal patterns of migration flow between similarly prosperous countries. Fast forward to the time of our next referendum (i.e. now) and we're considering whether to stay in a club of 28. How many people back in 1975 anticipated that? Most of them probably didn't anticipate the Berlin Wall falling.

And the club will almost certainly grow. The EU is an expansionist project. Albania and Macedonia have official candidate status. Turkey, Serbia and Bosnia are at the negotiating stage. So, that's what? Another 90-100 million or so people from relatively poor countries who could one day enjoy freedom of movement within the EU? If you think about the big picture – the next 20-30 years, as opposed to the next few – is that really a ridiculous proposition?
IOn the economy, have you seen Brexit The Movie? There is a point where the journalist Simon Heffer states that if in five years, leaving the EU had been so disastrous as to force him to boil grass to feed his family, he would still vote to leave. Because sovereignty is that important and it's that important we retain it, at any cost. I am not intending to say his view is common or typical, but there is a balance to be struck between economic security and national sovereignty, and I think the Brexit advocates have their balance wrong.
Fair enough. Like I say, much of this comes down to one's political and philosophical priorities. I haven't seen the movie (I've been told it's fucking dire, and I've still got season 2 of The Leftovers to watch) but FWIW I'm certainly closer to Hefferlump’s boiled grass PoV than yours!
I don't know if it's fair to suggest the House of Lords always causes the government to re-think bad laws. On tax credits, didn't George Osborne just mutter some darkly threatening things about curbing their power in future? The unelected thing is crucial for me, because it makes it both undemocratic and also without mandate, which is a pretty amazing tag-team of shitness.
Bit of a straw man. I didn’t suggest anything. I wrote it can do that, not that it always does. Also, I did preface my comments about the HoL by saying I'd abolish it tomorrow, which hopefully conveyed I'm not a fan. I object to it on democratic grounds too. I'll get more into this when I reply to your earlier comments, but I suppose the gist here is that an unelected chamber of British-based coffin dodgers with the power to temporarily block laws passed by the HoC worries me less than an unelected, multinational body of officials with the power to propose legally binding directives and regulations.
I would suggest a middle ground between you and mnb. I think the referendum was caused to sort out not the schism in the party, but the potential threat from UKIP, which could legitimately have got to the 30% or so level in the polls without some pretty drastic action.
I'd say that is my position, not a halfway house. UKIP were taking too big a bite out of the core conservative vote. The referendum pledge was made to counter that.
 

Max

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I don't want to delve too deeply into the Turkey argument (since I don't much like it either), but I think there's maybe a useful point to make about time scales here. What is meant by "the remotely near future", exactly? Next year? The next five years? The next few decades?

When the UK voted to remain in 1975, it voted to remain in a club of 9. The other 8 countries – France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, Ireland and Denmark – were all stable and reasonably prosperous. There were fewer concerns about freedom of movement, not least because it's reasonable to expect roughly equal patterns of migration flow between similarly prosperous countries. Fast forward to the time of our next referendum (i.e. now) and we're considering whether to stay in a club of 28. How many people back in 1975 anticipated that? Most of them probably didn't anticipate the Berlin Wall falling.

And the club will almost certainly grow. The EU is an expansionist project. Albania and Macedonia have official candidate status. Turkey, Serbia and Bosnia are at the negotiating stage. So, that's what? Another 90-100 million or so people from relatively poor countries who could one day enjoy freedom of movement within the EU? If you think about the big picture – the next 20-30 years, as opposed to the next few – is that really a ridiculous proposition?

My apologies for misrepresenting your view on the conservative vote/party point - I think I read your post too quickly.

However, re: the above, I suppose I had 2020 in mind, as this is the scare tactic timeframe Michael Gove gave the other day. This is a ridiculous assertion by Vote Leave. Germany have a veto, and have opposed Turkish EU full membership for nearly a decade. France have veto power here too, and although Hollande has softened his stance on Turkey joining, he has a 17% approval rating. When France elect a new president in 2017 it will almost certainly be from the Front Nationale or more likely the Union for a Movement Populaire / Les Republicains, and all of their candidates would veto Turkey joining. Britain also has a veto, and David Cameron has also stated it would take 'decades'. Although one should take political promises with a big pinch of salt, judging Turkey's issues around the fair treatment of women, corruption, their policies on many areas re: competition, freedom of the press etc they are a long way off indeed. There's also considerable doubt that Turkey are as a committed to the idea as they have been in the past.

Finally on Turkey, I've said I don't think accession is likely, there's a lot of misinformation that presents Turkey as some sort of incredibly impoverished backwards country. It's the world's 17th largest economy, with a GDP per capita on the level of Bulgaria and Romania, and I believe this is growing.

I agree that the club will certainly grow, and I gather we'll be seeing another 3 countries, including Albania and Macedonia, joining in 2020. People tend to focus on the difference between poor and rich EU countries, and I understand the reasons for this, but there is often a very unrealistic portrayal of poorer Eastern Europeans 'flocking' to Britain for nefarious means. There are more than 2,000 Romanians working in clinical roles in the NHS. I won't downplay that a lot of Romanians and Bulgarians did start to come to Britain in 2014, but nowhere near the numbers that were speculated about. Therefore I think it's potentially misleading to quote the gross figure of the total populations of all the countries. Yes, these people do have the right to seek work here, but this is limited by the nature of our jobs market, as seen when Poles left in large numbers when the recession hit us in 2008.

Also, although the EU is obviously expansionist, to put another spin on this...well, it's nearly done. There are 28 members. We may see another 5/6. If, like me, you don't think free movement of people is in itself bad, the difference from 500 million to 600 million is not a critical philosophical problem. The requirements to join the EU are quite stringent, and countries have to work towards a fairly high economic standard to get in.
 
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Captain Scumbag

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In terms of the checks and balances, my understanding is that the Commission proposes law, but this has to be passed by the Council (on which elected heads of state sit) and the Parliament (to which we send elected representatives). There are some areas we still have a veto on, and the whole system, broadly, encourages centrist, consensus-driven politics. The idea that the EU forces legislation down the throat of the British public is, I think fairly obviously, nonsense.
The Commission is the EU's executive body. It alone has the power to propose EU legislation. There are 28 Commissioners, none of them elected. The President is proposed by the Council. The UK has some say towards the nomination (since our Prime Minister sits on the 28 member Council) but it counts for very little. Cameron's hopeless failure to oppose the Juncker nomination illustrates this.

The Council's nomination then has to be approved by the European Parliament. Again, we have some say in this since we have 73 MEPs. But again, since the total number is 750, that counts for little. If a majority in the parliament want a federalist loon (again, see Juncker) to be the most powerful office-holder in the EU, that's what we get. Once approved, the President picks the other 27 Commissioners in consultation with the Council. There is one Commissioner from each country, so essentially our Prime Minister gets to nominate one of the 27. Great!

The problems inherent in the above process are also found in law-making process generally. The Commission is unelected; and though the Council and the European Parliament do limit the Commission's executive power, these are institutions in which the UK often has very little say. If the Commission proposes a law that is obviously deleterious to Britain but potentially beneficial to other member nations, what protection is provided by having less than 10% of the total number of MEPs? What protection does Dave offer if the Council is deciding by QMV? We do have some vetoes (thank goodness!), but there's a well-established trend in the treaties toward less vetoes and more QMV. That doesn't bode well.

So while presenting the EU Commission as some kind of fascist dictatorship with legislative carte blanche is a cartoonish misrepresentation, Britain having to adopt EU laws it doesn't want isn't nonsense. It does happen, and typically through a decision-making process over which we have very limited oversight and in which our elected representatives have very little say.
Had the EU forced us to behave the way Greece has been forced to behave, I think there'd be a great reason to have a referendum, and indeed to leave.
The Danes rejected Maastricht (1992) and were made to vote again. The Irish rejected Nice (2001) and the Lisbon (2009) and were made to vote again. France and Holland both comprehensively rejected the EU Constitution (2005). The EU response was to repackage the constitution as the Lisbon Treaty, which in effect meant French and Dutch voters were ignored. The Greek referendum in 2015? Blithely disregarded! The recent Eurozone bailouts? Patently illegal (see the Article 125 of the Lisbon Treaty), but the EU unapologetically violated its own rules. That's just off the top of my head. How many precedents of EU arrogance and anti-democratic bullying do you need?
People forget we're the 5th largest global economy, are a roaring great success story and that people envy much about British society and life. You may argue that this would not change if we left the EU, but I can hardly see the EU as something that has harmed our ability to make our own laws etc or hampered us in a significant way.
Us not doing terribly inside the EU does not mean we couldn't have done better outside it. Given our shared history and cultural similarities, it's ludicrous that Britain doesn't have FTAs with countries like USA, Canada, Australia and India. Had we been outside the EU for the last 40+ years, we'd probably have them, not least because we'd have been free to negotiate them on a bilateral basis. We're counterfactual territory here, I know, but it's food for thought.

And the EU has obviously harmed our ability to make our own laws. There's a number of areas in which EU legislation has primacy and numerous examples of British governments not being able to do X because it would contravene an EU directive. I can give specific examples, but is it really necessary? Is this really a point of contention? Previously in the thread you argued (or at least seemed to) that this loss of legislative autonomy is a price worth paying. Now you seem to be denying it exists. Can you clarify?
 
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C

Captain Scumbag

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Part 2 of 2:
When the facts are hugely contested, and we're talking about complex matters of the economy, politics and forecasting, I don't think it's unreasonable to consider the company one is keeping.
It's natural to consider it, but it's also lazy and vain. When concerns about keeping the 'right' company are given primacy over facts, logic and the general quality of arguments, there is a problem. Politics ceases to be an intellectual endeavour. It becomes more like a fashion parade. No good comes from that.
Some people's status and jobs do inform their opinion. Nigel Farage, by contrast, has been happy to sit in the EU Parliament, obstruct the system, demean our national reputation, take all the money, benefits and perks offered while doing next to know work, and has prided his entire political career on one single issue.
Nigel has done precisely nothing to obstruct the system, not least because he is largely powerless to do so. His 'work', as he sees it, is to draw attention to how thoroughly wretched the EU is, which he's better positioned and resourced to do from the inside. I suppose we could debate the morality of taking money from a system one is intent on destroying, but I see that as largely irrelevant. Nigel should be judged on his arguments. His factual claims are either true or false. His arguments for withdrawal are either logical or illogical, cogent or unconvincing.
This may be a bit of a red herring of a point, but Boris Johnson's decision to back Leave was reported as being entirely career-oriented, and everything I have known while being a London citizen does indeed confirm my view that he is usually not thinking of the issue at hand, but rather his own advancement.
Very possibly, but ultimately it’s his arguments that should matter. His Hitler argument from last week was abysmal (possibly the nadir of the entire Leave campaign). His repeated claims about £350m per week going to the EU are untrue. Attack that, not what you perceive to be his real motivation. Also, the idea that there isn't self-serving careerism in the Remain camp – which often seems implicit when people attack Johnson using this argument – is risible.
If I'm being offered a choice of two things (I'm going to say washing machines), and one washing machine is endorsed by ten mad blokes down the pub, and the other one is endorsed by industry professionals, washing machine repairmen, washing machine sales people, the government etc., Imma go with the second washing machine.
My first thought was to ignore this analogy on the grounds of it being irredeemably daft. What pubs do you imagine going to? In what sort of dystopian nightmare would the government endorse a washing machine?! But perhaps a worthwhile point that can be teased out of this.

In the above example, the 10 mad blokes down the pub have no obvious incentive to flog you a washing machine. Presumably they're waxing lyrical about the spin cycle (or whatever!) because they really like it. Perhaps they're just satisfied customers. On the other hand, people who make and/or sell washing machines have an obvious vested interest. Washing machine repairmen? Isn't it in their interests to sell you a machine that routinely breaks down? Can't trust those fuckers! And a government that endorses a washing machine has almost certainly been aggressively lobbied by corporate interests. With all that in mind, do you still buy the second washing machine?

I think it's wrong to elevate motive (or perceived motive) above the quality of arguments, but if that's your preference at least be consistent. Don't just apply that sort of scepticism to fools like Boris. Apply to the people who are trying to sell you the EU.
We agree that the 'going to get the EU our way if we stick it out' argument is feeble and not going anywhere.
Thank fuck for that...
I don't see why we can't continue in our current arrangement of resisting further integration (as mentioned, we didn't join the Euro, or Schengen). We're an island nation, we do have some clout in the EU, and broadly we can get our own way.
The problem is twofold. First, there is a well established pattern of British governments paying lip service to this idea (and occasionally backing it up) but us slowly becoming more entangled in the project anyway. Second, why stay part of a political project if the starting intention is to set yourself against its founding purpose? It's a bit like not wanting children but marrying a woman who is tragically hell bent on becoming a mother. You might get your way, there may be benefits to the marriage and it may even last a while. But wouldn't both parties be happier if they went their separate ways?
My argument is principally the the EU has worked alright for us (as well as can be expected for a 28 country organisation) and that the onus should be on Leave campaigners to set out a better future outside.
I broadly agree with the second part. There are hard-headed ideologues on both sides, people whose voting intentions are unlikely to be changed by rational argument. The real battle is for the undecideds, and it's naive to think Leave can win the majority of those simply by carping about how shit the current situation is (and how it's likely to get worse). That part is necessary, but it's only Stage 1. Stage 2 is convincing people that there's a better alternative. I think certain Leave campaigners – Dan Hannan, Richard North and Roland Smith immediately spring to mind – have done that, but they're not spearheading the campaign. Check out some of their stuff.
 
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Max

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Answers in bold within quotes!

Part 1 of 2:

The Commission is the EU's executive body. It alone has the power to propose EU legislation. There are 28 Commissioners, none of them elected. The President is proposed by the Council. The UK has some say towards the nomination (since our Prime Minister sits on the 28 member Council) but it counts for very little. Cameron's hopeless failure to oppose the Juncker nomination illustrates this.

The Council's nomination then has to be approved by the European Parliament. Again, we have some say in this since we have 73 MEPs. But again, since the total number is 750, that counts for little. If a majority in the parliament want a federalist loon (again, see Juncker) to be the most powerful office-holder in the EU, that's what we get. Once approved, the President picks the other 27 Commissioners in consultation with the Council. There is one Commissioner from each country, so essentially our Prime Minister gets to nominate one of the 27. Great!

The problems inherent in the above process are also found in law-making process generally. The Commission is unelected; and though the Council and the European Parliament do limit the Commission's executive power, these are institutions in which the UK often has very little say. If the Commission proposes a law that is obviously deleterious to Britain but potentially beneficial to other member nations, what protection is provided by having less than 10% of the total number of MEPs? What protection does Dave offer if the Council is deciding by QMV? We do have some vetoes (thank goodness!), but there's a well-established trend in the treaties toward less vetoes and more QMV. That doesn't bode well.

I mean ultimately there's not much I can argue with here. There are 28 members so we are one of 28 voices at the table. That's something you see as a dangerous problem and not so for me. There have been efforts made to raise the profile of would-be presidents of the Commission, with the spitzenkandidaten process. All parties in the UK shamefully entirely avoided talking about this: http://www.economist.com/blogs/blighty/2014/05/european-election. I am reminded of what you said earlier in this thread, that perhaps we get the democracies we deserve.

So while presenting the EU Commission as some kind of fascist dictatorship with legislative carte blanche is a cartoonish misrepresentation, Britain having to adopt EU laws it doesn't want isn't nonsense. It does happen, and typically through a decision-making process over which we have very limited oversight and in which our elected representatives have very little say.

As I believe I mentioned earlier in the thread, since 1996 we have had to adopt 2% of laws that we voted against, vs 95% we voted for and 3% we abstained on.

The Danes rejected Maastricht (1992) and were made to vote again. The Irish rejected Nice (2001) and the Lisbon (2009) and were made to vote again. France and Holland both comprehensively rejected the EU Constitution (2005). The EU response was to repackage the constitution as the Lisbon Treaty, which in effect meant French and Dutch voters were ignored. The Greek referendum in 2015? Blithely disregarded! The recent Eurozone bailouts? Patently illegal (see the Article 125 of the Lisbon Treaty), but the EU unapologetically violated its own rules. That's just off the top of my head. How many precedents of EU arrogance and anti-democratic bullying do you need?

Us not doing terribly inside the EU does not mean we couldn't have done better outside it. Given our shared history and cultural similarities, it's ludicrous that Britain doesn't have FTAs with countries like USA, Canada, Australia and India. Had we been outside the EU for the last 40+ years, we'd probably have them, not least because we'd have been free to negotiate them on a bilateral basis. We're counterfactual territory here, I know, but it's food for thought.
I do think the Commonwealth argument for trade is exaggerated. As it currently stands, we trade more with Italy than India, and more with Austria than Australia. More with Germany than the USA. Indeed this is counterfactual territory, but countries tend to trade with their near neighbours - this is the case all around the world and in our case the EU facilitates this.

And the EU has obviously harmed our ability to make our own laws. There's a number of areas in which EU legislation has primacy and numerous examples of British governments not being able to do X because it would contravene an EU directive. I can give specific examples, but is it really necessary? Is this really a point of contention? Previously in the thread you argued (or at least seemed to) that this loss of legislative autonomy is a price worth paying. Now you seem to be denying it exists. Can you clarify?
I think it is necessary, because I think we're at the point whereby again it's theory v practice. Of course we sacrifice some sovereignty. My argument is that often it actually does the UK the power of good. On environmental legislation, for example, the EU have been much more responsible than British governments. To clarify, we have a loss of legislative autonomy in some areas, as I understand it. But I cannot see actual negative consequences for our nation as a result. It is not enough to say: 'but there are some things we can't do' and leave it there. Accurate labelling of allergens in food, the ERASMUS scheme, clean beach regulations, European arrest warrant, river pollution regulation, abolition of roaming charges, the European Working Time Directive are all examples great benefits to us giving up legislative autonomy. I don't think it would hurt the Brexit side to come up with compelling things we're being prevented from doing in a similar manner.

Part 2 of 2:

It's natural to consider it, but it's also lazy and vain. When concerns about keeping the 'right' company are given primacy over facts, logic and the general quality of arguments, there is a problem. Politics ceases to be an intellectual endeavour. It becomes more like a fashion parade. No good comes from that.
It's not given primacy. It's a supporting argument. It stands to reason that if an argument sounds dodgy (everything Boris Johnson has contributed for example), then a look at his record as a notorious liar, charlatan and fraud only serves to reinforce this distrust. There are tossers on both sides of the debate, to be sure, but people are not always considering this in a purely intellectual endeavour.

Nigel has done precisely nothing to obstruct the system, not least because he is largely powerless to do so. His 'work', as he sees it, is to draw attention to how thoroughly wretched the EU is, which he's better positioned and resourced to do from the inside. I suppose we could debate the morality of taking money from a system one is intent on destroying, but I see that as largely irrelevant. Nigel should be judged on his arguments. His factual claims are either true or false. His arguments for withdrawal are either logical or illogical, cogent or unconvincing.

Very possibly, but ultimately it’s his arguments that should matter. His Hitler argument from last week was abysmal (possibly the nadir of the entire Leave campaign). His repeated claims about £350m per week going to the EU are untrue. Attack that, not what you perceive to be his real motivation. Also, the idea that there isn't self-serving careerism in the Remain camp – which often seems implicit when people attack Johnson using this argument – is risible.
I have criticised those points, but I don't think you can entirely separate someone's arguments and their reputation. There is careerism all over professional politics, but Johnson's case is just particularly transparent at the present moment.

My first thought was to ignore this analogy on the grounds of it being irredeemably daft. What pubs do you imagine going to? In what sort of dystopian nightmare would the government endorse a washing machine?! But perhaps a worthwhile point that can be teased out of this.

In the above example, the 10 mad blokes down the pub have no obvious incentive to flog you a washing machine. Presumably they're waxing lyrical about the spin cycle (or whatever!) because they really like it. Perhaps they're just satisfied customers. On the other hand, people who make and/or sell washing machines have an obvious vested interest. Washing machine repairmen? Isn't it in their interests to sell you a machine that routinely breaks down? Can't trust those fuckers! And a government that endorses a washing machine has almost certainly been aggressively lobbied by corporate interests. With all that in mind, do you still buy the second washing machine?
The analogy was obvious facetious. My point was that I am not an expert on the EU, as most people aren't. The majority of the public are hugely ignorant and therefore you do naturally rely on the credibility of the people offering you the choices. We can't really proceed with the washing machine unfortunately, because in this case the mad chaps down the pub are conspiracy theorists. Government MP Penny Mordaunt was on Andrew Marr this morning saying the Remain side was an establishment stitch-up. People arguing on Turkey this week are deliberately misleading people to capitalise on fears of immigration, which is the main tactic that Brexit now have. Of course there are careerists in Remain, but it seems to me that almost every argument being articulated by the Leave campaign is thinly masking a an ugly agenda, usually but not always to do with immigration. The incredibly broad consensus of people advocating for Remain seem more plausible to me than the band of arguments brought together by Leave.

I think it's wrong to elevate motive (or perceived motive) above the quality of arguments, but if that's your preference at least be consistent. Don't just apply that sort of scepticism to fools like Boris. Apply to the people who are trying to sell you the EU.
I do try to do this, and I think it's obvious Cameron and Corbyn don't have their heart in this.

The problem is twofold. First, there is a well established pattern of British governments paying lip service to this idea (and occasionally backing it up) but us slowly becoming more entangled in the project anyway. Second, why stay part of a political project if the starting intention is to set yourself against its founding purpose? It's a bit like not wanting children but marrying a woman who is tragically hell bent on becoming a mother. You might get your way, there may be benefits to the marriage and it may even last a while. But wouldn't both parties be happier if they went their separate ways?
We are moving towards a two-tier Europe (http://www.euractiv.com/section/fut...ut-plans-for-two-tier-europe-eurozone-budget/). This is no bad thing. There is no reason why, as mentioned, we have to give ourselves to every aspect of EU integration. It is perfectly possible to carve out a middle way between Brexit and a federal Europe, and I think it is in fact the most likely outcome. (Was having an interesting conversation a few weeks ago with the political scientist Simon Hix whose theory was closer to a three-tier Europe, with a trade but not free movement section for Turkey et al)

I broadly agree with the second part. There are hard-headed ideologues on both sides, people whose voting intentions are unlikely to be changed by rational argument. The real battle is for the undecideds, and it's naive to think Leave can win the majority of those simply by carping about how shit the current situation is (and how it's likely to get worse). That part is necessary, but it's only Stage 1. Stage 2 is convincing people that there's a better alternative. I think certain Leave campaigners – Dan Hannan, Richard North and Roland Smith immediately spring to mind – have done that, but they're not spearheading the campaign. Check out some of their stuff.
Leave can win by using immigration and I think they will. Leave also have a demographic advantage, as their supporters tend towards the older section of the population, who will crawl through a river of lava to get to a polling station. I've seen some very dodgy arguments from Dan Hannan, but will concede he also often talks some sense. Not heard of the other two but will gladly read up before commenting further in this thread :)
 

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